Presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson
The presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson began on November 22, 1963, when Johnson became the 36th President of the United States upon the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, and ended on January 20, 1969. He had been Vice President of the United States for 1,036 days when he succeeded to the presidency. A Democrat, he ran for and won a full four-year term in the 1964 election, winning by a landslide over Republican opponent Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater. Following the 1968 presidential election he was succeed by Republican Richard Nixon.
Johnson expanded upon the New Deal, and constructed the Great Society, a series of domestic legislative programs to help the poor and downtrodden; these included Medicare and Medicaid, defense of civil rights, and federal spending on education, the arts, urban and rural development, public services, and a "War on Poverty". Assisted in part by a growing economy, the War on Poverty helped millions of Americans rise above the poverty line during Johnson's presidency. Civil rights legislation signed by Johnson banned racial discrimination in voting, public facilities, housing, and the workplace. With the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, the country's immigration system was reformed and all racial origin quotas were removed (replaced by national origin quotas). His presidency marked the high tide of modern liberalism in the United States.
Johnson's popularity waned as other issues came to the fore. Johnson pursued a policy of containment in Vietnam, hoping to stop the spread of Communism into Southeast Asia during the Cold War. The number of American military personnel in Vietnam increased dramatically, from 16,000 advisors in non-combat roles in 1963, to 550,000 in early 1968, in combat roles. Growing unease with the war stimulated a large, angry antiwar movement based especially on university campuses in the U.S. and abroad. Johnson faced further troubles when summer riots broke out in most major cities after 1965, and crime rates soared, as his opponents raised demands for "law and order" policies. While he began his presidency with widespread approval, public support for Johnson declined as the war dragged on and domestic unrest across the nation increased. At the same time, the New Deal Coalition that had long-unified the Democratic Party dissolved, and Johnson's support base eroded with it. Although desiring another four-year term, Johnson announced on March 31, 1968, that he would not seek renomination. In recent years, Johnson's standing has improved due to his domestic programs, and polls of historians and political scientists tend to have Johnson ranked as an above-average president.
- 1 Accession
- 2 Administration
- 3 Domestic affairs
- 3.1 Clean air initiatives
- 3.2 Taxation
- 3.3 Civil rights
- 3.4 War on Poverty
- 3.5 Federal funding for education
- 3.6 Cultural initiatives
- 3.7 Healthcare reform
- 3.8 Tobacco advertising
- 3.9 Immigration
- 3.10 Transportation
- 3.11 Gun control
- 3.12 Space program
- 3.13 Anti-Vietnam War movement
- 3.14 Urban riots
- 4 Foreign affairs
- 5 Elections
- 6 Legacy and evaluation
- 7 References
- 8 Further reading
Johnson took the presidential oath of office at 2:38 pm on November 22, 1963, aboard Air Force One at Love Field, in Dallas, Texas, soon after the death of President John F. Kennedy. Johnson was sworn in by Sarah T. Hughes, U.S. District Judge of the Northern District of Texas. This was the first (and to date only) time a woman administered the presidential oath. Johnson placed his hand upon a Catholic missal while he recited the oath. Afterward, he kissed his wife, who then took Jackie Kennedy's hand and told her, "The whole nation mourns your husband."
The ceremony was photographed by White House photographer Cecil Stoughton. This iconic photo "provided the essential evidence of the continuity of government," according to Barbara Baker Burrows (director of photography at Life magazine and co-author of The Kennedy Mystique: Creating Camelot. "In the confusion that followed the assassination, his photograph told the world that there was a new president, and the country that it was safe." Indeed, Johnson was convinced of the need to make an immediate transition of power after the assassination to provide stability to a grieving nation in shock. He and the Secret Service, not knowing whether the assassin acted alone or as part of a broader conspiracy, felt compelled to rapidly return to Washington, D.C.. Johnson's rush was greeted by some with assertions that he was in too much haste to assume power.
Five days after the assassination, he addressed a Joint Session of Congress with the message – "Let us continue!" Taking up Kennedy's legacy, Johnson declared that "No memorial oration or eulogy could more eloquently honor President Kennedy's memory than the earliest possible passage of the Civil Rights Bill for which he fought so long." The wave of national grief following the assassination gave enormous momentum to Johnson's legislative agenda.
On November 29, 1963, he issued an executive order renaming NASA's Launch Operations Center at Merritt Island, Florida as the Kennedy Space Center, and the nearby launch facility at Cape Canaveral Air Force Station as Cape Kennedy. That same day, in response to the public demand for answers and the growing number of conspiracy theories, Johnson established a commission headed by Chief Justice Earl Warren, known as the Warren Commission, to investigate Kennedy's assassination. The commission conducted extensive research and hearings and unanimously concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone in the assassination. Since the commission's official report was released in September 1964, other federal and municipal investigations have been conducted, most of which support the conclusions reached in the Warren Commission report. Nonetheless, a significant percentage of Americans polled still indicate a belief in some sort of conspiracy.
When Johnson assumed office following President Kennedy's death he asked the existing Cabinet to continue in office in order to ensure a smooth transition. Robert Kennedy stayed on as Attorney General, despite his having a notoriously difficult relationship relationship with the new president, but only for 10 months. He resigned in September 1964 in order to run for the U.S. Senate. He later became a chief critic of Johnson's policy in Vietnam. Others stayed for a few years before leaving for various reasons. Two new Cabinet posts were created during Johnson's presidency: Secretary of Housing and Urban Development and Secretary of Transportation, in 1965 and 1966, respectively. Four of the Kennedy cabinet members Johnson inherited—Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Secretary of the Interior Stewart Udall, Secretary of Agriculture Orville L. Freeman, and Secretary of Labor W. Willard Wirtz—remained with him through his entire presidency.
Over the course of his six years in office, Johnson greatly expanded the size and role of the White House staff in supervising departmental policy, personnel, and legislative decisions. Johnson did not have an official White House Chief of Staff. Initially, his long-time administrative assistant Walter Jenkins presided over the day-to-day operations at the White House. George Reedy, another long-serving aide, assumed the post of White House Press Secretary when Pierre Salinger left that post in March 1964. Horace Busby, a valued aide to Johnson at various points in his political career, served primarily as a speech writer and political analyst. He was also a deputy to National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy, as well as the liaison between the executive departments and the White House. Bill Moyers was the youngest member of Johnson's staff; hired at the outset of the Johnson presidency, first as scheduling coordinator and part-time speech writer, he quickly rose into the front ranks of the president's aides. He played a key role in organizing and supervising the 1964 Great Society legislative task forces and was a principal architect of Johnson's 1964 presidential campaign. Moyers acted as the President's informal chief of staff from October 1964 (following Jenkins's resignation) until 1966. From July 1965 to February 1967, he also served as press secretary. Johnson referred to these aides as his "triple-threat men" because of their loyalty and versatility.
The office of vice president remained vacant during Johnson's first (425-day partial) term, as at the time there was no constitutional provision existed for filling an intra-term vacancy in the vice presidency. As a result, when one occurred (as it did in 1963), the office was left vacant until filled through the next ensuing election and inauguration. During this vacancy, the Speaker of the House, John William McCormack of Massachusetts, was next in line to the presidency.
Johnson selected Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, who had been a key proponent of the president's legislative agenda in the Senate, particularly in regards to the 1964 Civil Rights Act, as his running mate for the 1964 election. Humphrey served as vice president during Johnson's second term.
Led by Senator Birch Bayh and Representative Emanuel Celler, Congress, on July 5, 1965, approved an amendment to the U.S. Constitution addressing succession to the presidency and establishing procedures both for filling a vacancy in the office of the vice president, and for responding to presidential disabilities, and submitted it to the state legislatures for ratification. It was ratified by the requisite number of states (38) on February 10, 1967, becoming the Twenty-fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution.
Johnson made two successful (and two unsuccessful) appointments to the Supreme Court while in office:
- Abe Fortas – Associate Justice (to replace Arthur Goldberg),
nominated July 28, 1965 and confirmed by the U.S. Senate August 11, 1965. Johnson, anticipating court challenges to his legislative measures, thought it would be advantageous to have a close confidant on the Supreme Court who could provide him with inside information, and chose Fortas to fill that role. He created an opening on the court by convincing Justice Goldberg to become United States Ambassador to the United Nations.
- Thurgood Marshall – Associate Justice (to replace Tom C. Clark),
nominated June 13, 1967 and confirmed by the U.S. Senate August 30, 1967. The first African-American to serve on the Court, Marshall retired from the Court in 1991.
- Abe Fortas – Chief Justice (to replace Earl Warren),
nominated June 26, 1968, but withdrawn October 4, 1968. Although a sitting associate justice, the nomination to become chief justice was subject to a separate confirmation process. Fortas's nomination was defeated by senators opposed to his liberal views and close association with the president. Fortas resigned from the Court the following year. Warren remained chief justice until his replacement (appointed by President Richard Nixon) was confirmed in June 1969.
- Homer Thornberry – Associate Justice (to fill the vacancy that would have been created had Abe Fortas's elevation to chief justice been confirmed),
nominated June 26, 1968, but withdrawn October 4, 1968. As Fortas remained on the Court, Thornberry's nomination became void.
- Abe Fortas – Chief Justice (to replace Earl Warren),
In addition to his Supreme Court appointments, Johnson appointed 40 judges to the United States Courts of Appeals, and 126 judges to the United States district courts. Here too he had a number of judicial appointment controversies, with one appellate and three district court nominees not being confirmed by the U.S. Senate before his presidency ended.
Despite his political prowess and previous service as Senate Majority Leader, Johnson had largely been sidelined in the Kennedy administration. He took office determined to secure the passage of Kennedy’s unfinished domestic agenda, which, for the most part, had remained bottled-up in various congressional committees. By the spring of 1964, he had begun to use the name "Great Society" to describe his domestic program; a title coined by Richard Goodwin, and drawn from Eric Goldman's observation that the title of Walter Lippman's book The Good Society best captured the totality of president's agenda. Johnson's Great Society program encompassed movements of urban renewal, modern transportation, clean environment, anti-poverty, healthcare reform, crime control, and educational reform.
Clean air initiatives
The Clean Air Act of 1963, which Johnson signed into law on December 17, was the first federal act regarding air pollution control. It established a federal program within the U.S. Public Health Service and authorized federal funding for air quality research into techniques for monitoring and controlling air pollution. The act was first amended in 1965, by the Motor Vehicle Air Pollution Control Act, which directed the Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare to establish and enforce national standards for controlling the emission of pollutants from new motor vehicles and engines. regulations were enacted on March 30, 1966 for crankcase and exhaust emissions beginning with 1968 model year vehicles. This was the federal government’s first active role in clean air policy. In 1967, the Air Quality Act was enacted in order to expand federal government activities in the area of air pollution reduction. In accordance with this law, enforcement proceedings were initiated in areas subject to interstate air pollution transport. As part of these proceedings, the federal government for the first time conducted extensive ambient monitoring studies and stationary source inspections. The act also authorized expanded studies of air pollutant emission inventories, ambient monitoring techniques, and control techniques.
Early in 1963 President Kennedy proposed a significant tax reduction bill to Congress. After overcoming much resistance, the president's bill was passed by the House in September. Despite his hopes for quick Senate approval, Harry Byrd of Virginia insisted that it needed to have "full and careful deliberation" by the Senate Finance Committee; and he refused to be rushed. It was only after Johnson succeeded to the presidency, and agreed to decrease the total federal budget to under $100 billion, that Byrd dropped his opposition, clearing the way for the Revenue Act of 1964 to pass. Signed into law on February 26, 1964, it cut individual income tax rates across the board by approximately 20%. In addition to individual income tax cuts, it also slightly reduced corporate tax rates and introduced a minimum standard deduction. Movement of this long-stalled initiative facilitated efforts to move ahead on civil rights legislation.
In 1968 Johnson signed a second tax bill, the Revenue and Expenditure Control Act of 1968, into law. The product of months of negotiations, he reluctantly signed it to pay for the Vietnam War's mounting costs. The bill included a mix of tax increases and spending cuts.
Civil Rights Act of 1964
Though a product of the South and a protege of segregationist Senator Richard Russell, Jr., Johnson had long been personally sympathetic to the Civil Rights Movement, and felt that the time had come to pass the first major civil rights bill since the Reconstruction Era. President Kennedy had submitted a civil rights bill to Congress in June 1963, which was met with strong opposition. Kennedy's bill had already been approved by the House Judiciary Committee, but still faced opposition in the House Rules Committee and the Senate. Historian Robert Caro notes that Kennedy's civil rights bill faced the same delay tactics that had prevented civil rights legislation from passing during previous administrations; Southern congressmen and senators used congressional procedure to prevent it from coming to a vote.
Since becoming chairman of the House Rules Committee in 1954, Representative Howard W. Smith of Virginia, an opponent of racial integration, had successfully used his power as chairman to keep several civil rights initiatives from coming to a vote on the House floor. In order for Johnson's civil rights bill to reach the House floor for a vote, the president needed to find a to circumvent Smith. First, he opened his January 8, 1964 State of the Union address by publicly challenging Congress, "Let this session of Congress be known as the session which did more for civil rights than the last hundred sessions combined;" he then worked to build support among House members for a discharge petition to force it onto the House floor, and he and his allies worked to persuade uncommitted Republicans and Democrats to support the petition. Facing a growing threat that they would be bypassed, the House Rules Committee approved the bill and moved it to the floor of the full House, which passed it on February 10, 1964, by a vote of 290–110. Before the bill's passage, Smith proposed an amendment that added protection from gender discrimination to the bill, in a sly attempt to prevent the bill's passage. However, Smith's maneuver backfired, as the House still voted to approve the bill; 152 Democrats and 136 Republicans voted in favor of it, while the majority of the opposition came from 88 Democrats representing states that had seceded during the Civil War.
Johnson convinced Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield to put the House bill directly into consideration by the full Senate, bypassing the Senate Judiciary Committee and its segregationist chairman James Eastland. Since the tax bill had already passed, and bottling up the bill in a committee was no longer an option, the anti-civil rights senators were left with the filibuster as their only remaining tool. Overcoming the filibuster required the support of over 20 Republicans, who were growing less supportive due to the fact that their party was about to nominate for president a candidate who opposed the bill. Mansfield and Senator Hubert Humphrey led the effort to pass it in the Senate, and one of their major tasks was to convince Senate Minority Leader Everett Dirksen and other Midwestern conservatives to support it. Johnson and the conservative Dirksen reached a compromise in which the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission's enforcement powers were weakened, but civil rights groups still supported the bill due to its "end of de jure segregation." After months of debate, the Senate voted for closure in a 71-29 vote, narrowly clearing the 67-vote threshold then required to break filibusters. Though most of the opposition came from southern Democrats, 1964 Republican presidential nominee Barry Goldwater, and five other Republicans also voted against the bill. On June 19, the Senate voted to 73-27 in favor of the bill, sending it to the president.
Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 into law on July 2. Legend has it that as he put down his pen Johnson told an aide, "We have lost the South for a generation", anticipating a coming backlash from Southern whites against Johnson's Democratic Party. The act banned segregation in public accommodations, banned employment gender discrimation, and strengthened the federal government's power to investigate racial and gender employment discrimination. The law later upheld by the Supreme Court in cases such as Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United States.
Biographer Randall B. Woods has argued that Johnson effectively used appeals to Judeo-Christian ethics to garner support for the civil rights law. Woods writes that Johnson undermined the Southern filibuster against the bill:
LBJ wrapped white America in a moral straight jacket. How could individuals who fervently, continuously, and overwhelmingly identified themselves with a merciful and just God continue to condone racial discrimination, police brutality, and segregation? Where in the Judeo-Christian ethic was there justification for killing young girls in a church in Alabama, denying an equal education to black children, barring fathers and mothers from competing for jobs that would feed and clothe their families? Was Jim Crow to be America's response to "Godless Communism"? 
Voting Rights Act
On January 23, 1964, the 24th Amendment barring both Congress and the states from conditioning the right to vote in federal elections on payment of a poll tax or other type of tax, became effective. The poll tax was one of several laws enacted by states across the South designed to disenfranchise and marginalize black citizens from politics so far as practicable without violating the Fifteenth Amendment prohibition against denying a person their right to vote on the basis of their "race, color, or previous condition of servitude" – as all voters were required to pay the poll tax, poor white voters were also affected affected. Even so, states still continued to do so through mechanisms such as "white primaries" and literacy tests. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 included some voting rights protections, it did not directly address these discriminatory practices. Johnson recognized this, and shortly after the 1964 elections he privately instructed Attorney General Katzenbach to draft "the goddamndest, toughest voting rights act that you can". He did not, however, publicly push for the legislation at that time; his advisers warned him of political costs for vigorously pursuing a voting rights bill so soon after Congress had passed the Civil Rights Act, and Johnson was concerned that championing voting rights would endanger his other Great Society reforms by angering Southern Democrats in Congress.
Soon after the 1964 election civil rights organizations such as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) began a push for federal action to protect the voting rights of racial minorities. They organized numerous voting-rights marches and demonstrations in Alabama, which were broken-up violently by police; hundreds of African-Americans were jailed. On March 7 these organizations began the Selma to Montgomery marches in which Selma residents proceeded to march to Alabama's capital, Montgomery, to highlight voting rights issues and present Governor George Wallace with their grievances. On the first march, demonstrators were stopped by state and county police on horseback at the Edmund Pettus Bridge near Selma. The police shot tear gas into the crowd and trampled protesters. Televised footage of the scene, which became known as "Bloody Sunday", generated outrage across the country.
In response to the rapidly increasing political pressure upon him, Johnson decided to immediately send voting rights legislation to Congress, and to address the American people in a speech before a Joint session of Congress. Johnson's speech, written by Richard Goodwin, was, noted TIME magazine's correspondent afterward, "so startling, so moving, that few who saw it or heard it will ever forget it." He began:
I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy. I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause. ... Rarely in any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself. Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance, or our welfare or our security, but rather to the values and the purposes and the meaning of our beloved nation. The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue. And should we defeat every enemy, and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation. For, with a country as with a person, 'what is a man profited if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?'
The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was introduced in Congress on March 17. The Senate passed the bill two-and-a-half months later, by a vote of 77 to 19, and the House approved it in July, 333 to 85. This landmark legislation, which Johnson signed into law on August 6, 1965, outlawed discrimination in voting, thus allowing millions of southern blacks to vote for the first time. In accordance with the act, several states, "seven of the eleven southern states of the former confederacy" (Alabama, South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Virginia) were subjected to the procedure of preclearance in 1965 while Texas, home to the majority of the African American population at the time, followed in 1975. The results were significant; between the years of 1968 and 1980, the number of southern black elected state and federal officeholders nearly doubled. The act also made a large difference in the numbers of black elected officials nationally; in 1965, a few hundred black office-holders mushroomed to 6,000 in 1989. Perhaps most impressively, between 1964 and 1967, the voter registration rate of Mississippi African-Americans rose from 6.7% to 59.8%.
In late March 1965, following the murder of civil rights worker Viola Liuzzo, Johnson went on television to announce the arrest of four Ku Klux Klansmen implicated in her death. He used the opportunity to angrily denounce the Klan as a "hooded society of bigots," and warned them to "return to a decent society before it's too late." He also ordered a federal investigation into the Klan's activities, and, when the men charged with Liuzzo's murder were set free by an all-white jury, Johnson ordered the Department of Justice to use the 1964 Civil Rights Act to bring charges against them. A federal jury convicted three of Liuzzo's murderers, and they were given 10-year prison terms. In doing so, Johnson became the first president in over 90 years, since Ulysses S. Grant, to prosecute members of the Klan.
Johnson also spoke of racial injustice and economic disparities between blacks and whites during a June 4, 1965 commencement address at Howard University. Known as the "To Fulfill These Rights" speech, it contained some of the most progressive words on race ever uttered by an American president. He declared that "freedom," the right to share fully and equally in American society, "is not enough." He continued,"it is not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. All our citizens must have the ability to walk through those gates." He then articulated what he viewed as the next stage of the battle for civil rights, declaring, "We seek not just freedom but opportunity. We seek not just legal equity but human ability, not just equality as a right and a theory but equality as a fact and equality as a result."
1968 Civil Rights Act
Johnson expected to lose seats in the 1966 mid-term elections, and chose to pursue a housing discrimination bill as his final major legislative goal of the 89th Congress. In April 1966, Johnson submitted a bill to Congress that barred owners from refusing to enter into agreements on the basis of race; the bill immediately garnered opposition from many of the northerners who had supported the last two major civil rights bills. Though a version of the bill passed the House, it failed to win Senate approval, marking Johnson's first major legislative defeat. The law gained new impetus after the April 4, 1968 assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., and the civil unrest across the country following King's death. On April 5, Johnson wrote a letter to the U.S. House of Representatives urging passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1968. With newly urgent attention from legislative director Joseph Califano and Democratic House Speaker John William McCormack, the bill passed the House by a wide margin on April 10. The Fair Housing Act, a component of the bill, outlawed housing discrimination, and allowed many African-Americans to move to the suburbs.
War on Poverty
After the passage of the Revenue Act of 1964, and while the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was being debated in the Senate, Johnson looked to further bolster his legislative record in advance of the 1964 election. While the previous two bills had been priorities of Kennedy, Johnson chose to next focus on the War on Poverty based on the advice of economist Walter Heller. In April 1964, Johnson proposed the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, which would create the Office of Economic Opportunity to oversee local Community Action Agencies charged with dispensing aid to those in poverty. The act would also create the Job Corps, a work-training program, and AmeriCorps VISTA, a domestic version of the Peace Corps. Johnson was able to win the support of enough conservative Democrats to pass the bill, which he signed on August 20. Sargent Shriver, a brother-in-law of John and Robert Kennedy, became the first head of the Office of Economic Opportunity. He also called upon Congress to make permanent the food stamp pilot programs initiated by President Kennedy in 1961. After much trading of political favors, Congress approved the Food Stamp Act of 1964, which appropriated $75 million to 350,000 individuals in 40 counties and three cities. The president hailed food stamps as "a realistic and responsible step toward the fuller and wiser use of an agricultural abundance."
In August 1965 Johnson signed the Housing and Urban Development Act of 1965 into law. The legislation, which he called "the single most important breakthrough" in federal housing policy since the 1920s, greatly expanded funding for existing federal housing programs, and added new programs to provide rent subsidies for the elderly and disabled; housing rehabilitation grants to poor homeowners; provisions for veterans to make very low down-payments to obtain mortgages; new authority for families qualifying for public housing to be placed in empty private housing (along with subsidies to landlords); and matching grants to localities for the construction of water and sewer facilities, construction of community centers in low-income areas, and urban beautification. Four weeks later, on September 9, the president signed legislation establishing the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.
Johnson took an additional step in the War on Poverty with an urban renewal effort, presenting to Congress in January 1966 the "Demonstration Cities Program". To be eligible a city would need to demonstrate its readiness to "arrest blight and decay and make substantial impact on the development of its entire city." Johnson requested an investment of $400 million per year totaling $2.4 billion. In the fall of 1966 the Congress passed a substantially reduced program costing $900 million, which Johnson later called the Model Cities Program. Changing the name had little effect on the success of the bill; the New York Times wrote 22 years later that the program was for the most part a failure.
Federal funding for education
Johnson, whose own ticket out of poverty was a public education in Texas, fervently believed that education was a cure for ignorance and poverty, and was an essential component of the American dream, especially for minorities who endured poor facilities and tight-fisted budgets from local taxes. In the 1960s, education funding was especially tight due to the demographic challenges posed by the large Baby Boomer generation, but Congress had repeatedly rejected increased federal financing for public schools. Johnson made education the top priority of the Great Society agenda, with an emphasis on helping poor children. After the 1964 landslide brought in many new liberal Congressmen, LBJ launched a legislative effort which took the name of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) of 1965. The bill sought to double federal spending on education from $4 billion to $8 billion.; with considerable facilitating by the White House, it passed the House by a vote of 263-153 on March 26 and then it remarkably passed without change in the Senate, by 73-8, without going through the usual conference committee. This was an historic accomplishment by the president, with the billion dollar bill passing as introduced just 87 days before. For the first time, large amounts of federal money went to public schools. In practice ESEA meant helping all public school districts, with more money going to districts that had large proportions of students from poor families. Johnson was able to pass the bill for a few reasons: the Civil Rights Act of 1964 made segregation in public schools a relative non-issue for the, a "pupil-centered" approach to federal funding neutralized the divisive issue of funding parochial schools, and large Democratic majorities diluted the influence of many Republicans who tended to dislike teacher's unions.
Johnson's second major education program was the Higher Education Act of 1965, which focused on funding for lower income students, including grants, work-study money, and government loans. College graduation rates boomed after the passage of the act, with the percentage of college graduates tripling from 1964 to 2013. Johnson also signed a third important education bill in 1965, establishing the Head Start program to provide grants for preschools.
Johnson created a new role for the federal government in supporting the arts, humanities, and public broadcasting. His administration set up the National Endowment for the Humanities and the National Endowment for the Arts, to support humanists and artists (as the WPA once did). In 1967, Johnson signed the Public Broadcasting Act to create educational television programs. The government had set aside radio bands for educational non-profits in the 1950s, and the Federal Communications Commission under President Kennedy had awarded the first federal grants to educational television stations, but Johnson sought to create a vibrant public television that would promote local diversity as well as educational programs. The legislation, which was based on the findings of the Carnegie Commission on Educational Television, created a decentralized network of public television stations.
Former President Harry Truman had proposed a national health insurance system in 1945, and Johnson was heavily influenced by Truman's ideas. Since 1957, a group of Democrats had advocated for the government to cover the cost of hospital visits for seniors, who had seen higher health costs with the advent of new technologies such as antibiotics, but the American Medical Association and fiscal conservatives opposed a government role in health insurance. Johnson supported the passage of the King-Anderson Bill, which would establish a Medicare program for older patients administered by the Social Security Administration and financed by payroll taxes. Wilbur Mills, chairman of the key House Ways and Means Committee, had long opposed such reforms, but the election of 1964 had defeated many allies of the AMA and shown that the public supported some version of public medical care. Mills suggested that Medicare be fashioned as a three layer cake—hospital insurance under Social Security, a voluntary insurance program for doctor visits, and an expanded medical welfare program for the poor – Medicaid. The bill passed the House in April on a 313-115 vote, and the Senate passed its a more liberal version of the bill on July 9. After a conference committee session dominated by Mills, the House and Senate passed identical versions of the bill, and Johnson signed the bill on July 30, 1965. Johnson gave the first two Medicare cards to former President Truman and his wife Bess after signing the Medicare bill at the Truman Library in Independence, Missouri. Medicare and Medicaid now cover millions of Americans.
Surgeon General Luther Terry issued a detailed report (Smoking and Health: Report of the Advisory Committee to the Surgeon General of the United States) linking smoking and lung cancer on January 11, 1964. The report "hit the country like a bombshell," Terry later said. "It was front page news and a lead story on every radio and television station in the United States and many abroad." The report marked a major shift in the tides of public opinion regarding smoking. Terry's report prompted Congress to pass the Cigarette Labeling and Advertising Act in July 1965, that required cigarette manufacturers to place a warning label on the side of cigarette packs stating: "Caution: Cigarette Smoking May Be Hazardous to Your Health." In 1970 that warning was strengthened through the Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act, which also banned cigarette advertising on television beginning in 1971.
With the passage of the sweeping Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, the country's immigration system was reformed and all national origins quotas dating from the 1920s were removed. The percentage of foreign-born in the United States increased from 5% in 1965 to 14% in 2016. Scholars give Johnson little credit for the law, which was not one of his priorities; he had supported the restrictive Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 that was unpopular with reformers. Regardless, the Immigration and Nationality Act dramatically changed the ethnic composition of the United States, ending the National Origins Formula which had heavily favored European immigrants. The act also prioritized family reunification over the national origins of potential immigrants. Johnson also signed the Cuban Adjustment Act, which granted Cuban refugees an easier path to permanent residency and citizenship.
During the mid-1960s, various consumer protection activists and safety experts began making the case to Congress and the American people that more needed to be done to make roads less dangerous and vehicles more safe. They argued that there were things the federal government could do, and that automakers, with all their technology and know-how could do, to bring about the desired outcomes. This sentiment crystallized into conviction following the 1965 publication of Unsafe at Any Speed, by Ralph Nader. Early in the following year, Congress held a series of highly publicized hearings regarding highway safety, and ultimately approved two bills—the National Traffic and Motor Vehicle Safety Act (NTMVSA) and the Highway Safety Act (HSA)—which the president signed into law on September 9, thus making the federal government responsible for setting and enforcing auto and road safety standards.
HSA required each state to implement a safety program supporting driver education and improved licensing and auto inspection; it also strengthened the existing National Driver Register operated by the Bureau of Public Roads. NTMVSA set federal motor vehicle safety standards: it required seat belts for every passenger, impact-absorbing steering wheels, rupture-resistant fuel tanks, door latches that stayed latched in crashes, side-view mirrors, shatter-resistant windshields and windshield defrosters, lights on the sides of cars as well as the front and back, and “the padding and softening of interior surfaces and protrusions.” Additionally, several road safety improvements were developed, including better delineation of curves (edge and center line stripes and reflectors), use of breakaway sign and utility poles, improved illumination, addition of barriers separating oncoming traffic lanes, and guardrails. The legislatiion also created two federal agencies, the National Traffic Safety Agency and the National Highway Safety Agency – both now part of the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration.
In March 1966, Johnson sent to Congress a transportation message that included proposed legislation creating a Cabinet-level department that would coordinate and manage federal transportation programs, provide leadership in the resolution of transportation problems, and develop national transportation policies and programs. This new transportation department would bring together the Commerce Department's Office of Transportation, the Bureau of Public Roads, the Federal Aviation Agency, the Coast Guard, the Maritime Administration, the Civil Aeronautics Board, and the Interstate Commerce Commission. The bill passed the Senate after some negotiation over navigation projects; in the House, passage required negotiation over maritime interests. Johnson signed the Department of Transportation Act into law on October 15, 1966. Altogether, 31 previously scattered agencies were brought under the Department of Transportation, in what was the biggest reorganization of the federal government since the National Security Act of 1947.
Following the assassinations of John F. Kennedy, Robert F. Kennedy, and Martin Luther King Jr., Johnson signed two major gun control laws. In addition to the assassinations, Johnson's push for gun control was also motivated by mass shootings such as the one perpetrated by Charles Whitman. Johnson signed the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 shortly after Robert Kennedy's death. On October 22, 1968, Lyndon Johnson signed the Gun Control Act of 1968, one of the largest and farthest-reaching federal gun control laws in American history. The measure prohibited convicted felons, drug users, and the mentally ill from purchasing handguns and raised record-keeping and licensing requirements. Johnson had sought to require the licensing of gun owners and the registration of all firearms, but could not convince Congress to pass a stronger bill.
Due to his involvement in the congressional push to approve the legislation that brought NASA into being while Senate majority leader, and his role in defining and overseeing Kennedy space initiatives while vice president, Johnson clearly recognized the value and benefits of the nation's space program, and wholeheartedly supported it during his presidency. While he was in office, NASA conducted the Gemini manned space program, developed the Saturn V rocket and its launch facility, and prepared to make the first manned Apollo program flights. On January 27, 1967, the nation was stunned when the entire crew of Apollo 1—Gus Grissom, Ed White, and Roger Chaffee—died in a cabin fire during a spacecraft test on the launch pad, stopping the program in its tracks. Rather than appointing another Warren-style commission, Johnson accepted Administrator James E. Webb's |James E. Webb's]] request that NASA be permitted to conduct its own investigation, holding itself accountable to Congress and the President. The agency convened the Apollo 204 Accident Review Board to determine the cause of the fire, and both houses of Congress conducted their own committee inquiries scrutinizing NASA's investigation. Through it all, the president's support for NASA never wavered. The program rebounded, and by the end of Johnson's term, two manned missions, Apollo 7 and Apollo 8 (the first to orbit the Moon), had been successfully completed. Six months after leaving office, Johnson attended the launch of Apollo 11, the first Moon landing mission.
Johnson also worked to win approval of the U.N. Outer Space Treaty, which represents the basic legal framework of international space law. It bars the placement of nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction in space, limits the use of the moon and other celestial bodies to peaceful purposes, and forbids any government from claiming a celestial body, because they are the common heritage of mankind. The treaty was ready for signature in Washington, D.C., London and Moscow on January 27, 1967, the day of the Apollo I fire.
Anti-Vietnam War movement
The American public was generally supportive the Johnson administration’s rapid escalation of U.S. military involvement in South Vietnam in 1964 following the Gulf of Tonkin incident, with 48 percent favoring stronger measures in Vietnam and only 14 percent wanting to negotiate a settlement and leave, In spite of this, a small peace movement was emerging on various college campuses across the country; and doing so at a time of unprecedented student activism and at the height of the civil rights movement. Rather quickly, Johnson found himself pressed between those favoring stronger military measures (hawks), and those favoring negotiation and disengagement (doves). Polls showed that beginning in 1965, the public was consistently 40–50 percent hawkish and 10–25 percent dovish. Johnson's aides told him, "Both hawks and doves [are frustrated with the war] ... and take it out on you." Politically astute as he was, Johnson closely watched the public opinion polls. His goal was not to adjust his policies to follow opinion, but rather to adjust opinion to support his policies.
In 1965 the Anti-Vietnam War movement began to gain national prominence. Two protests at the University of California, Berkeley gained national news media coverage: May 5, when amid a protest march of several hundred people carrying a black coffin to the Berkeley draft board, 40 men burned their draft cards; and May 22, when during another protest at the Berkeley draft board was visited again, with 19 men burned their cards, and President Johnson was hung in effigy. Gruesome images of two anti-war activists who set themselves on fire later that year—32-year-old Norman Morrison, on November 2, in front of the Pentagon, and 22-year-old Roger Allen LaPorte, on November 9, in front of United Nations Headquarters in New York City— provided iconic images of how strongly some people felt that the war was immoral.
Following the January 1967 publication of a photo-essay by William F. Pepper in Ramparts magazine, depicting some of the injuries inflicted on Vietnamese children by the U.S. bombing campaign, Martin Luther King Jr. spoke out against the war publicly for the first time. King, and New Left activist Dr. Dr. Benjamin Spock led an Anti-Vietnam War march against the Vietnam War on April 15, in which 400,000 people walked from New York City's Central Park to the headquarters of the United Nations. King and Spock later joined with a large coalition of anti-war activists (known as the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam) to organize further demonstrations, rallies & marches, such as the one held October 21–22, 1967 in Washington, D.C.; an estimated 70,000-100,000 people participate in the event, which included a rally at West Potomac Park near the Lincoln Memorial and a march to the Pentagon.
On June 23, 1967, while the president was addressing a Democratic fundraiser at The Century Plaza Hotel in Los Angeles, police forcibly dispersed about 10,000 peaceful Vietnam War demonstrators marching in front of the hotel. A few months later, Johnson engaged the FBI and the CIA to investigate, monitor and undermine the activists. He and Secretary of State Rusk were convinced that foreign communist sources were behind these demonstrations, which was refuted by CIA findings.
A Gallup poll in July 1967 showed 52 percent of the country disapproving of Johnson's handling of the war and only 34 percent thought progress was being made. His approval rating in mid-1965 was at 70 percent, but just two years later that figure had flipped – a decisive 66% of the country said they had lost confidence in the President's leadership. For the balance of his presidency, Johnson was constantly besieged by protester and their chants of "Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?" He rarely campaigned in public again after the Century Plaza Hotel incident, except for appearances at safe places like military bases.
The nation experienced a series of "long hot summers" of civil unrest during the Johnson years. They started in 1964 with a riot in Harlem, and then, in 1965 with one in the Watts district of Los Angeles in 1965; both of these events were fueled by accusations of police brutality against minority residents. It was from the Watts riot that "Burn, baby, burn!" emerged as a symbol of urban insurgence. The momentum toward advancement of civil rights came to a sudden halt in the summer of 1965. After 34 people were killed and $35 million in property was damaged, the public feared an expansion of the violence to other cities, and so the appetite for additional programs in the president's social agenda was lost.
In 1966 rioting broke out in Hough, a predominantly African-American community in Cleveland; the following year, 1967, 159 riots erupted across the United States. In Newark, New Jersey, six days of rioting left 26 dead, 1500 injured, and the inner city a burned out shell. In Detroit, Governor George Romney sent in 7400 national guard troops to quell fire bombings, looting, and attacks on businesses and on police. Johnson finally sent in federal troops with tanks and machine guns. Detroit continued to burn for three more days until finally 43 were dead, 2250 were injured, 4000 were arrested; property damage ranged into the hundreds of millions.
In the immediate aftermath of Newark and Detroit, Johnson formed an 11-member advisory commission, informally known as the Kerner Commission explore the causes behind the recurring outbreaks of urban civil disorder, and to provide recommendations for future action. The Commission's 1968 report concluded that the nation was "moving toward two societies, one black, one white—separate and unequal." Unless remedies were implemented, the commission warned, the U.S. would be faced with a "system of apartheid" in its major cities. The report also admonished white middle-class Americans for isolating and neglecting African Americans (White flight), and suggested legislative measures to promote racial integration and alleviate poverty.
The President, fixated on the Vietnam War and keenly aware of budgetary constraints, barely acknowledged acknowledged the report. One month after its release, the April 4, 1968 assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. sparked another wave of violent protests in more than 130 cities across the country, notably: Baltimore, Chicago, Kansas City, Louisville, and Washington, D.C.. A few days later, in a candid comment made to press secretary George Christian concerning the endemic social unrest in the nation's cities, Johnson remarked, "What did you expect? I don't know why we're so surprised. When you put your foot on a man's neck and hold him down for three hundred years, and then you let him up, what's he going to do? He's going to knock your block off."
The Indochina Wars had been raging since the Japanese invasion of French Indochina during World War II, and France struggled to re-establish control over its former colonies after World War II. The Communist Viet Minh successively opposed Japanese and French forces in Vietnam, and established a Communist North Vietnam following the 1954 Geneva Agreements. The Vietnam War began in 1955 as North Vietnamese forces, with the support of the Soviet Union, China, and other Communist governments, sought to reunify the country by taking control of South Vietnam. On taking office, Johnson made clear that he was not planning any major changes regarding the American role in Vietnam. At Kennedy's death, there were already 16,000 American military personnel in Vietnam, supporting the nominally democratic South Vietnamese government. However, Johnson's presidency ultimately saw a massive build-up of the American presence in Vietnam, with troop levels reaching a peak above 500,000 by the end of Johnson's tenure. Johnson subscribed to the Domino Theory, which speculated that the fall of one government to Communism would lead to the fall of surrounding governments. Johnson thus adhered to the containment policy that required America to make a serious effort to stop all Communist expansion. Johnson also feared that the fall of Vietnam would hurt Democratic credibility on national security issues and undermine Johnson's domestic initiatives, much as the "Loss of China" and the Korean War hurt Democrats in the 1950s.
Gulf of Tonkin Resolution
In August 1964, allegations arose from the military that two US destroyers had been attacked by North Vietnamese torpedo boats in international waters 40 miles (64 km) from the Vietnamese coast in the Gulf of Tonkin; naval communications and reports of the attack were contradictory. Although Johnson very much wanted to keep discussions about Vietnam out of the 1964 election campaign, he felt forced to respond to the supposed aggression by the Vietnamese, so he sought and obtained from the Congress the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution on August 7. Johnson, determined to embolden his image on foreign policy, also wanted to prevent criticism such as Truman had received in Korea by proceeding without congressional endorsement of military action; a response to the purported attack as well blunted presidential campaign criticism of weakness from the hawkish Goldwater camp. The resolution gave congressional approval for use of military force by the commander-in-chief to repel future attacks and also to assist members of SEATO requesting assistance. Johnson later in the campaign expressed assurance that the primary US goal remained the preservation of South Vietnamese independence through material and advice, as opposed to any US offensive posture.
Johnson in late summer 1964 seriously questioned the value of staying in Vietnam but, after meeting with Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Maxwell D. Taylor, declared his readiness "to do more when we had a base" or when Saigon was politically more stable. In the 1964 presidential campaign, he restated his determination to provide measured support for Vietnam while avoiding another Korea; but privately he had a sense of foreboding about Vietnam—a feeling that no matter what he did things would end badly. Indeed, his heart was on his Great Society agenda, and he even felt that his political opponents favored greater intervention in Vietnam in order to divert attention and resources away from his War on Poverty. The situation on the ground was aggravated in the fall by additional Viet Minh attacks on US ships in the Tonkin Gulf, as well as an attack on Bien Hoa airbase in South Vietnam. Johnson decided against retaliatory action at the time after consultation with the Joint Chiefs and also after public pollster Lou Harris confirmed that his decision would not detrimentally affect him at the polls. By the end of 1964, there were approximately 23,000 military personnel in South Vietnam. U.S. casualties for 1964 totaled 1,278.
In the winter of 1964–65 Johnson was pressured by the military to begin a bombing campaign to forcefully resist a communist takeover in South Vietnam; moreover, a plurality in the polls at the time were in favor of military action against the communists, with only 26 to 30 percent opposed. Johnson revised his priorities, and a new preference for stronger action came at the end of January with yet another change of government in Saigon. He then agreed with Mac Bundy and McNamara, that the continued passive role would only lead to defeat and withdrawal in humiliation. Johnson said, "Stable government or no stable government in Saigon we will do what we ought to do. I'm prepared to do that; we will move strongly. General Nguyễn Khánh (head of the new government) is our boy".
Johnson decided on a systematic bombing campaign in February after a ground report from Bundy recommending immediate US action to avoid defeat; also, the Viet Cong had just killed eight US advisers and wounded dozens of others in an attack at Pleiku Air Base. The eight-week bombing campaign became known as Operation Rolling Thunder. Johnson's instructions for public consumption were clear, there was to be no comment that the war effort had been expanded. The president believed that by limiting the information given out to the public and even to Congress, he maximized his flexibility to change course. Long term estimates of the bombing campaign ranged from an expectation that Hanoi would rein in the Viet Cong to one of provoking Hanoi and the Viet Cong into an intensification of the war. But the short-term expectations were consistent – that the morale and stability of the South Vietnamese government would be bolstered.
In March, Bundy began to urge the use of ground forces—American air operations alone he counseled would not stop Hanoi's aggression against the South. Johnson responded by approving an increase in logistical troops of 18,000 to 20,000, the deployment of two additional Marine battalions and a Marine air squadron, in addition to planning for the deployment of two more divisions, and most importantly, a change in mission from defensive to offensive operations. Even so, he defiantly continued to insist that this was not to be publicly represented as a change in existing policy.
On April 2, Canadian prime minister, Lester B. Pearson, gave a speech at Temple University in Philadelphia. During his speech, he voiced his support for a pause in the American bombing of North Vietnam, so that a diplomatic solution to the crisis may unfold. To President Johnson, this criticism of American foreign policy on American soil was an intolerable sin. Before Pearson had finished his speech, he was summoned to Camp David, Maryland, to meet with Johnson the next day. Johnson, who was notorious for his personal touch in politics, reportedly grabbed Pearson by the lapels and shouted, "Don't you come into my living room and piss on my rug."
Several top administration aides—including McNamara, Gen. Westmoreland, Gen. Wheeler, William Bundy, and Ambassador Taylor—met in Honolulu on April 20 and agreed to recommend to the president sending another 40,000 combat soldiers to Vietnam; by the middle of June 1965 the total number of active duty U.S. military personnel in Vietnam had swelled 82,000 (a 150 percent increase). Two weeks later, Johnson told congressional leaders that he wanted an additional $700 million for Vietnam and the Dominican Republic saying "each member of Congress who supports this request is voting to continue our effort to try to hold communist aggression". The request was approved by the House 408 to 7 and by the Senate 88 to 3.
In June Ambassador Taylor reported that the bombing offensive against North Vietnam had been ineffective, and that the South Vietnamese army was outclassed and in danger of collapse. Gen. Westmoreland shortly thereafter recommended the president further increase ground troops from 82,000 to 175,000. After consulting with his principals, Johnson, desirous of a low profile, chose to announce at a press conference an increase to 125,000 troops, with additional forces to be sent later upon request. In order to mute his announcement, Johnson at the same time announced the nomination of Abe Fortas to the Supreme Court and John Chancellor as director of the Voice of America. Johnson described himself at the time as boxed in by unpalatable choices—between sending Americans to die in Vietnam and giving in to the communists. If he sent additional troops he would be attacked as an interventionist and if he did not he thought he risked being impeached. He continued to insist that his decision "did not imply any change in policy whatsoever". Of his desire to veil the decision, Johnson jested privately, "If you have a mother-in-law with only one eye, and she has it in the center of her forehead, you don't keep her in the living room". By October 1965 there were over 200,000 troops deployed in Vietnam.
Toward the end of the year, after consultation with the Joint Chiefs and other advisers Johnson decided to increase troops at the rate of 15,000 per month throughout 1966 rather than increasing them at one time, in order to avoid a more publicized increase. At the same time there was deliberation over a bombing pause and Johnson finally agreed on December 28 to a pause and a corresponding "peace offensive"; the pause in bombing and the peace blitz ended January 31, 1966 without discernible effect.
Robert Kennedy harshly criticized Johnson's decision to resume the bombing, stating that the U.S. may be headed "on a road from which there is no turning back, a road that leads to catastrophe for all mankind." Soon thereafter, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, chaired by Senator James William Fulbright, held televised hearings examining the administration's Vietnam policy. Greatly disturbed by the criticism, Johnson convened a second Honolulu conference, and personally attended for three days along with Ambassador Lodge, Gen. Westmoreland, the Vietnamese Chief of State Nguyen Van Thieu and Prime Minister Nguyen Cao Ky. In April 1966 Johnson was encouraged by statistics that the Viet Cong had suffered greater numbers of casualties than the South Vietnamese; at the same time, despite being urging in Honolulu to strengthen his internal affairs, Prime Minister Ky's administration was increasingly vulnerable to rebel forces. The administration pressured Ky to hasten a transfer of power to an assembly but he demurred.
Impatience with the president and doubts about his war strategy continued to grow on Capitol Hill through the spring. In June, Richard Russell, Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, reflecting the coarsening the national mood, declared it was time to "get it over or get out." Johnson responded by saying to the press, "we are trying to provide the maximum deterrence that we can to communist aggression with a minimum of cost." He also initiated a focused bombing campaign against petroleum, oil and lubrication facilities in North Vietnam in hopes of accelerating victory. In July polling results indicated that Americans favored the bombing campaign by a 5 to 1 margin; however, in August a Defense Department study indicated that the bombing campaign had little impact on North Vietnam.
By the fall however, multiple sources began to report progress was being made against the North Vietnamese logistics and infrastructure; Johnson was urged from every corner to begin peace discussions. The gap with Hanoi, however, was an unbridgeable demand on both sides for a unilateral end to bombing and withdrawal of forces. Averell Harriman was appointed as the president's "Ambassador for Peace" to promote negotiations. Westmoreland and McNamara then recommended a concerted program to promote pacification; Johnson formally placed this effort under military control in October. During this time Johnson grew more and more anxious about justifying war casualties, and talked of the need for decisive victory, despite the unpopularity of the cause. In a discussion about the war with former President Dwight Eisenhower on October 3, 1966, Johnson said he was "trying to win it just as fast as I can in every way that I know how" and later stated that he needed "all the help I can get."
By year's end it was clear that current pacification efforts were ineffectual, as had been the air campaign. Johnson then agreed to McNamara's new recommendation to add 70,000 troops in 1967 to the 400,000 previously committed. While McNamara recommended no increase in the level of bombing, Johnson agreed with CIA recommendations to increase them. The increased bombing began despite initial secret talks being held in Saigon, Hanoi and Warsaw. While the bombing ended the talks, North Vietnamese intentions were not considered genuine.
January and February 1967 included probes to detect North Vietnamese willingness to discuss peace, and all fell on deaf ears. Ho Chi Minh declared that the only solution was a unilateral withdrawal by the U.S. Corrected military estimates released in March indicated a greater number of enemy-initiated actions between February 1966 and 1967; this exemplified the unreliability of information coming from the ground in Vietnam; similar discrepancies existed in measuring the movement of supplies and forces from North to South and assessing Viet Cong manpower. In February Johnson nevertheless agreed to attacks on infiltration routes in Laos and fifty-four new targets in the North, as well as the mining of inland waterways to complement bombing.
In March Robert Kennedy assumed a more public opposition to the war in a Senate speech. The fact of his opposition and probable candidacy for the presidency in 1968, according to Dallek, inhibited the embattled and embittered Johnson from employing a more realistic war policy. Johnson's anger and frustration over the lack of a solution to Vietnam and its effect on him politically was exhibited in a statement to Kennedy. Johnson had just received several reports predicting military progress by the summer, and warned Kennedy, "I'll destroy you and every one of your dove friends in six months", he shouted. "You'll be dead politically in six months".
McNamara offered Johnson a way out of Vietnam in May; the administration could declare its objective in the war—South Vietnam's self-determination—was being achieved and upcoming September elections in South Vietnam would provide the chance for a coalition government. The United States could reasonably expect that country to then assume responsibility for the election outcome. But Johnson was reluctant, in light of some optimistic reports, again of questionable reliability, which matched the negative assessments about the conflict and provided hope of improvement. The CIA was reporting wide food shortages in Hanoi and an unstable power grid, as well as military manpower reductions.
By the middle of 1967 nearly 70,000 Americans had been killed or wounded in the war, which was being commonly described in the news media and elsewhere as a "stalemate." In July, Johnson sent McNamara, Wheeler and other officials to meet with Westmoreland in order to reach agreement on plans for the immediate future. He in turn requested an additional 80,500 to 200,000 reinforcements on top of the 470,000 soldiers already scheduled to be sent to Vietnam. Johnson agreed to an increase of 55,000 troops bringing the total to 525,000.
In August Johnson, with the Joint Chiefs' support, decided to expand the air campaign and exempted only Hanoi, Haiphong and a buffer zone with China from the target list. Later that month McNamara told a Senate subcommittee that an expanded air campaign would not bring Hanoi to the peace table. The Joint Chiefs were astounded, and threatened mass resignation; McNamara was summoned to the White House for a three-hour dressing down; nevertheless, Johnson had received reports from the CIA confirming McNamara's analysis at least in part. In the meantime an election establishing a constitutional government in the South was concluded and provided hope for peace talks.
Despite the election, the South Vietnam government remained incompetent and riddled with corruption; but, in September Ho Chi Minh and North Vietnamese premier Pham Van Dong appeared amenable to French mediation, so Johnson ceased bombing in a 10-mile zone around Hanoi; this was met with dissatisfaction. Johnson in a Texas speech agreed to halt all bombing if Ho Chi Minh would launch productive and meaningful discussions and if North Vietnam would not seek to take advantage of the halt; this was named the "San Antonio" formula. There was no response, but Johnson pursued the possibility of negotiations with such a bombing pause.
With the war arguably in a stalemate and in light of the widespread disapproval of the conflict, Johnson convened a group of veteran government foreign policy experts, informally known as "the Wise Men" to gain a fresh, in-depth view of the war—Dean Acheson, Gen. Omar Bradley, George Ball, Mac Bundy, Arthur Dean, Douglas Dillon, Abe Fortas, Averell Harriman, Henry Cabot Lodge, Robert Murphy and Max Taylor. They unanimously oppose leaving Vietnam, and encourage Johnson to "stay the course." Afterward, on November 17, in a nationally televised address, the president assured the American public, "We are inflicting greater losses than we're taking...We are making progress." Less than two weeks later, an emotional Robert McNamara announced his resignation as Defense Secretary. Behind closed doors, he had begun regularly expressing doubts over Johnson's war strategy, angering the President. He joins a growing list of Johnson's top aides who resigned over the war including Bill Moyers, McGeorge Bundy and George Ball.
On January 30, 1968 came the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese Tet offensive against South Vietnam's five largest cities, including Saigon and the U.S. embassy there and other government installations. While the Tet offensive failed militarily, it was a psychological victory, definitively turning American public opinion against the war effort. Iconically, Walter Cronkite of CBS news, voted the nation's "most trusted person" in February expressed on the air that the conflict was deadlocked and that additional fighting would change nothing. Johnson reacted, saying "If I've lost Cronkite, I've lost middle America". Indeed, demoralization about the war was everywhere; 26% then approved of Johnson's handling of Vietnam; 63% disapproved. Johnson agreed to increase the troop level by 22,000, despite a recommendation from the Joint Chiefs for ten times that number,
By March 1968 Johnson was secretly desperate for an honorable way out of the war. Clark Clifford, the new Defense Secretary, described the war as "a loser" and proposed to "cut losses and get out". He decided to restrict future bombing with the result that 90 percent of North Vietnam's population and 75 percent of its territory was off-limits to bombing. On March 25, after being briefed by officials at the State Department, the Pentagon and the CIA, the Wise Men meet once more with the president. This time they advised against any further troop increases and recommended that the administration seek a negotiated peace. While initially incensed by their conclusions, Johnson quickly came to accept that their assessment of the situation was accurate.
On March 31 the president spoke to the nation of "Steps to Limit the War in Vietnam". He then announced an immediate unilateral halt to the bombing of North Vietnam and announced his intention to seek out peace talks anywhere at any time. At the close of his speech he also announced, "I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President".
In April he succeeded in opening discussions of peace talks and after extensive negotiations over the site, Paris was agreed to and talks began in May. When the talks failed to yield any results the decision was made to resort to private discussions in Paris. Two months later it was apparent that private discussions proved to be no more productive. Despite recommendations in August from Harriman, Vance, Clifford and Bundy to halt bombing as an incentive for Hanoi to seriously engage in substantive peace talks, Johnson refused. In October when the parties came close to an agreement on a bombing halt, Republican presidential nominee Richard Nixon intervened with the South Vietnamese, and made promises of better terms, so as to delay a settlement on the issue until after the election. After the election, Johnson's primary focus on Vietnam was to get Saigon to join the Paris peace talks. Ironically, only after Nixon added his urging did they do so. Even then they argued about procedural matters until after Nixon took office.
A few analysts have theorized that "Vietnam had no independent impact on President Johnson's popularity at all after other effects, including a general overall downward trend in popularity, had been taken into account." The war grew less popular, and continued to split the Democratic Party. The Republican Party was not completely pro- or anti-war, and Nixon managed to get support from both groups by running on a reduction in troop levels with an eye toward eventually ending the campaign.
Johnson often privately cursed the Vietnam War and, in a conversation with Robert McNamara, he assailed "the bunch of commies" running The New York Times for their articles against the war effort. Johnson once summed up his perspective of the Vietnam War as follows:
I knew from the start that I was bound to be crucified either way I moved. If I left the woman I really loved—the Great Society—in order to get involved in that bitch of a war on the other side of the world, then I would lose everything at home. All my programs.... But if I left that war and let the Communists take over South Vietnam, then I would be seen as a coward and my nation would be seen as an appeaser and we would both find it impossible to accomplish anything for anybody anywhere on the entire globe.
Though committed to containment, Johnson pursued a non-confrontational policy with the Soviet Union itself, setting the stage for the détente of the 1970s. Johnson was extremely concerned with averting the possibility of nuclear war, and sought to reduce tensions in Europe. The Johnson administration pursued arms control agreements with the Soviet Union, signing the Outer Space Treaty and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, and laid the foundation for the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. Johnson held a largely amicable meeting with Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin at the Glassboro Summit Conference in 1967. The next year, Warsaw Pact forces crushed the Prague Spring, an attempted democratization of Czechoslovakia. The military intervention ended Johnson's hopes of an arms control summit, though the United States never seriously considered directly intervening on behalf of Czechoslovakia.
Foreign military sales
Congress enacted legislation in October 1968, the Foreign Military Sales Act of 1968, to support the administration's policy of regional arms control, disarmament agreements, and the discouragement of arm races. The act discloses the United States commitment and sustainment to a world free from the dangers of armaments and the scourge of war by establishing governance for United States foreign military sales authorizations and military export controls.
The Six-Day War and Israel
In June 1967, tensions between Israel and neighboring Arab states escalated into a war that became known as the Six-Day War. The Soviet Union considered a naval invasion of Israel to protect its Arab allies, and demanded that the United States ask Israel to end the war. While Johnson did not publicly support Israel's war efforts, he refused to intervene as President Dwight Eisenhower had in the Suez Crisis. The crisis saw the first activation of the Moscow-Washington hotline that had been established in 1963. Ultimately, no war broke among the great powers, and the Israelis quickly won the Six-Day War, capturing the Sinai Peninsula and other neighboring territories.
Intervention in the Dominican Republic
In early 1965 Johnson sent U.S. Marines to the Dominican Republic to protect the embassy there and to respond to yet another perceived communist threat by the escalating civil war. That spring an agreement was reached at the urging of the OAS and the US to end the uprising; this crisis reinforced Johnson's belief it was essential to convince supporters and opponents at home and abroad that he had an effective strategy to meet the communist challenge in Vietnam.
List of international trips
Johnson made eleven international trips to twenty countries during his presidency. He flew 523,000 miles aboard Air Force One while in office. One of the most unusual international trips in presidential history occurred before Christmas in 1967. The President began the trip by going to the memorial service for Australian Prime Minister Harold Holt, who had disappeared in a swimming accident and was presumed drowned. The White House did not reveal in advance to the press that the President would make the first round-the-world presidential trip. The trip was 26,959 miles completed in only 112.5 hours (4.7 days). Air Force One crossed the equator twice, stopped in Travis Air Force Base, Calif., then Honolulu, Pago Pago, Canberra, Melbourne, Vietnam, Karachi and Rome.
|1||September 16, 1964||Canada||Vancouver||Informal visit. Met with Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson in ceremonies related to the Columbia River Treaty.|
|2||April 14–15, 1966||Mexico||Mexico, D.F.||Informal visit. Met with President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz.|
|3||August 21–22, 1966||Canada||Campobello Island,
|Laid cornerstone at Roosevelt Campobello International Park. Conferred informally with Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson.|
|4||October 19–20, 1966||New Zealand||Wellington||State visit. Met with Prime Minister Keith Holyoake.|
|October 20–23, 1966||Australia||Canberra,
|State visit. Met with Governor-General Richard Casey and Prime Minister Harold Holt. Intended as a "thank-you" visit for the Australian government's solid support for the Vietnam War effort, the president and first lady were greeted by demonstrations from anti-war protesters.|
|October 24–26, 1966||Philippines||Manila,
|Attended a summit with the heads of State and government of Australia, South Korea, New Zealand, the Philippines, South Vietnam, and Thailand. The meeting ended with pronouncements to stand fast against communist aggression and to promote ideals of democracy and development in Vietnam and across Asia.|
|October 26, 1966||South Vietnam||Cam Ranh Bay||Visited U.S. military personnel.|
|October 27–30, 1966||Thailand||Bangkok||State visit. Met with King Bhumibol Adulyadej.|
|October 30–31, 1966||Malaysia||Kuala Lumpur||State visit. Met with Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman|
|October 31 –
November 2, 1966
|State visit. Met with President Park Chung-hee and Prime Minister Chung Il-kwon. Addressed National Assembly.|
|5||December 3, 1966||Mexico||Ciudad Acuña||Informal meeting with President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz. Inspected construction of Amistad Dam.|
|6||April 11–14, 1967||Uruguay||Punta del Este||Summit meeting with Latin American heads of state.|
|April 14, 1967||Suriname||Paramaribo||Refueling stop en route from Uruguay.|
|7||April 23–26, 1967||West Germany||Bonn||Attended the funeral of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and conversed with various heads of state.|
|8||May 25, 1967||Canada||Montreal,
|Met with Governor General Roland Michener. Attended Expo 67. Conferred informally with Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson.|
|9||October 28, 1967||Mexico||Ciudad Juarez||Attended transfer of El Chamizal from the U.S. to Mexico. Conferred with President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz.|
|10||December 21–22, 1967||Australia||Canberra||Attended the funeral of Prime Minister Harold Holt. Conferred with other attending heads of state.|
|December 23, 1967||Thailand||Khorat||Visited U.S. military personnel.|
|December 23, 1967||South Vietnam||Cam Ranh Bay||Visited U.S. military personnel. Addressing the troops, Johnson declares "...all the challenges have been met. The enemy is not beaten, but he knows that he has met his master in the field."|
|December 23, 1967||Pakistan||Karachi||Met with President Ayub Khan.|
|December 23, 1967||Italy||Rome||Met with President Giuseppe Saragat and Prime Minister Aldo Moro.|
|December 23, 1967||Vatican City||Apostolic Palace||Audience with Pope Paul VI.|
|11||July 6–8, 1968||El Salvador||San Salvador||Attended the Conference of Presidents of the Central American Republics.|
|July 8, 1968||Nicaragua||Managua||Informal visit. Met with President Anastasio Somoza Debayle.|
|July 8, 1968||Costa Rica||San José||Informal visit. Met with President José Joaquín Trejos Fernández.|
|July 8, 1968||Honduras||San Pedro Sula||Informal visit. Met with President Oswaldo López Arellano.|
|July 8, 1968||Guatemala||Guatemala City||Informal visit. Met with President Julio César Méndez Montenegro.|
Election of 1964
The 1964 Democratic National Convention easily re-nominated Johnson and celebrated his accomplishments after less than one year in office. Early in the campaign, Robert F. Kennedy was a widely popular choice to run as Johnson's vice presidential running mate, but Johnson and Kennedy had never liked one another. Johnson, afraid that Kennedy would be credited with his election as president, abhorred the idea and opposed it at every turn. Hubert Humphrey was ultimately selected as Johnson's running mate, with the hope that Humphrey would strengthen the ticket in the Midwest and industrial Northeast. Johnson, knowing full well the degree of frustration inherent in the office of vice president, put Humphrey through a gauntlet of interviews to guarantee his absolute loyalty and having made the decision, he kept the announcement from the press until the last moment to maximize media speculation and coverage. At the end of the convention, polls showed Johnson in a comfortable position to obtain re-election.
Johnson and his Republican opponent, Barry Goldwater, both sought to portray the election as a choice between a liberal and a conservative, and Goldwater was perhaps the most conservative major party nominee since the passage of the New Deal. Early in the 1964 presidential campaign, Goldwater had appeared to be a strong contender, with strong support from the South, which threatened Johnson's position as he had predicted in reaction to the passage of the Civil Rights Act. However, Goldwater lost momentum as the campaign progressed. On September 7, 1964, Johnson's campaign managers broadcast the "Daisy ad," which successfully portrayed Goldwater as a dangerous warmonger. The combination of an effective aid campaign, Goldwater's perceived extremism, a poorly-organized Goldwater campaign, and Johnson's popularity led Democrats to a major election victory. Johnson won the presidency by a landslide with 61.05 percent of the vote, making it the highest ever share of the popular vote. At the time, this was also the widest popular margin in the 20th century—more than 15.95 million votes—this was later surpassed by incumbent President Nixon's victory in 1972. In the Electoral College, Johnson defeated Goldwater by margin of 486 to 52.
Democrats scored large gains in every section of the country except the Deep South in the 1964 congressional elections. The party's majority in the House grew by 36 seats, and its majority in the Senate by two, giving it a veto-proof supermajority in both chambers. These major gains came primarily as a result of the strident tone of Republican Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign, and a large sympathy vote cast in honor of President Kennedy. The huge election victory emboldened Johnson to propose liberal legislation in the 89th United States Congress.
Mid-term elections of 1966
In the 1966 midterm elections, Democrats lost 47 seats in the House to the Republicans, and also three in the Senate. Despite their losses, the Democrats retained control of both chambers of Congress. Republicans campaigned on law and order concerns stemming from urban riots, Johnson's conduct of the Vietnam War, and on the sluggish economy, warning of looming inflation and growing federal deficits. The devastating losses that Democrats suffered hit the party's liberal wing hardest, which in turn decreased Johnson's ability to push his agenda through Congress. The elections also helped the Republicans rehabilitate their image after their disastrous 1964 campaign.
Election of 1968
As he had served less than two years of President Kennedy's term, Johnson was constitutionally eligible for election to a second full term in the 1968 presidential election under the provisions of the 22nd Amendment. However, beginning in 1966, the press sensed a "credibility gap" between what Johnson was saying in press conferences and what was happening on the ground in Vietnam, which led to much less favorable coverage. By year's end, the Democratic governor of Missouri, Warren E. Hearnes, warned that Johnson would lose the state by 100,000 votes, despite winning by a 500,000 margin in 1964. "Frustration over Vietnam; too much federal spending and... taxation; no great public support for your Great Society programs; and ... public disenchantment with the civil rights programs" had eroded the President's standing, the governor reported. There were bright spots; in January 1967, Johnson boasted that wages were the highest in history, unemployment was at a 13-year low, and corporate profits and farm incomes were greater than ever; a 4.5 percent jump in consumer prices was worrisome, as was the rise in interest rates. Johnson asked for a temporary 6 percent surcharge in income taxes to cover the mounting deficit caused by increased spending. Johnson's approval ratings stayed below 50 percent; by January 1967, the number of his strong supporters had plunged to 16%, from 25 percent four months before. He ran about even with Republican George Romney in trial matchups that spring. Asked to explain why he was unpopular, Johnson responded, "I am a dominating personality, and when I get things done I don't always please all the people." Johnson also blamed the press, saying they showed "complete irresponsibility and lie and misstate facts and have no one to be answerable to." He also blamed "the preachers, liberals and professors" who had turned against him.
As the 1968 election approached, Johnson began to lose control of the Democratic Party, which was splitting into four factions. The first group consisted of Johnson and Humphrey, labor unions, and local party bosses (led by Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley). The second group consisted of antiwar students and intellectuals who rallied behind Eugene McCarthy in an effort to "dump Johnson." McCarthy came in a surprisingly close second in the March 12 New Hampshire primary, the first 1968 Democratic primary. The third group included Catholics, Hispanics and African Americans, who rallied behind Robert Kennedy. Kennedy entered the race shortly after the New Hampshire primary. The fourth group included traditionally segregationist white Southerners, who rallied behind George C. Wallace and the American Independent Party. Johnson could see no way to win the war and no way to unite the party long enough for him to win re-election. At the end of a March 31 speech, Johnson shocked the nation when he announced he would not run for re-election by concluding with the line: "I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President."
The next day, his approval ratings increased from 36% to 49%. Humphrey entered the race after Johnson's withdrawal. Historians have debated the factors that led to Johnson's surprise decision. Shesol says Johnson wanted out of the White House but also wanted vindication; when the indicators turned negative he decided to leave. Gould says that Johnson had neglected the party, was hurting it by his Vietnam policies, and underestimated McCarthy's strength until the very last minute, when it was too late for Johnson to recover. Woods said Johnson realized he needed to leave in order for the nation to heal. Dallek says that Johnson had no further domestic goals, and realized that his personality had eroded his popularity. His health was not good, and he was preoccupied with the Kennedy campaign; his wife was pressing for his retirement and his base of support continued to shrink. Leaving the race would allow him to pose as a peacemaker. Bennett, however, says Johnson "had been forced out of a reelection race in 1968 by outrage over his policy in Southeast Asia." Johnson may have hoped that the convention would ultimately choose to draft him back into the race.
After Robert Kennedy's assassination in June, Humphrey won the Democratic nomination with Johnson's backing at the tumultuous 1968 Democratic National Convention. Personal correspondences between the President and some in the Republican Party suggested Johnson tacitly supported Nelson Rockefeller's campaign, but Richard Nixon won the Republican nomination. After the convention, polls showed Humphrey losing by 20 points to Nixon. Humphrey's polling numbers improved after a September 30 speech in which he broke with Johnson's war policy, calling for an end to the bombing of North Vietnam. In what was termed the October surprise, Johnson announced to the nation on October 31, 1968, that he had ordered a complete cessation of "all air, naval and artillery bombardment of North Vietnam", effective November 1, should the Hanoi Government be willing to negotiate and citing progress with the Paris peace talks. However, Nixon won the election, narrowly edging Humphrey with a plurality of the popular vote and winning a majority of the electoral college. Nixon successfully pursued southern whites and working class northerners, two New Deal coalition groups that Johnson had alienated. Wallace, the candidate of many southern Democrats, chose to run as the American Independent Party nominee, and ultimately captured 13.5% of the popular vote and 46 electoral votes. Democrats maintained control of both houses of Congress, and while Nixon had campaigned on a new Vietnam policy, he had largely avoided talking about undoing the Great Society programs.
Legacy and evaluation
Johnson's presidency left a lasting mark on the United States, transforming the United States with the establishment of Medicare and Medicaid, various anti-poverty measures, environmental protections, educational funding, and other federal programs. The civil rights legislation passed under Johnson are nearly-universally praised for their role in removing barriers to racial equality. Historians argue that Johnson's presidency marked the peak of modern liberalism in the United States after the New Deal era, and Johnson is ranked favorably by many historians. Johnson's persuasiveness and understanding of Congress helped him to pass remarkable flurry of legislation and gained him a reputation as a legislative master. Johnson was aided by his party's large Congressional majorities and a public that was receptive to new federal programs, but he also faced a Congress dominated by the powerful conservative coalition of southern Democrats and Republicans, who had successfully blocked most liberal legislation since the start of World War II. Though Johnson established many lasting programs, other aspects of the Great Society, including the Office of Economic Opportunity, were later abolished. Johnson's handling of the Vietnam War remains broadly unpopular, and, much as it did during his tenure, often overshadows his domestic accomplishments. The perceived failures of the Vietnam War nurtured disillusionment with government, and the New Deal coalition fell apart in large part due to tensions over the Vietnam War and the 1968 election. Republicans won five of six presidential elections after Johnson left office, and Ronald Reagan came into office vowing to undo the Great Society, though Reagan and other Republicans were unable to repeal many of Johnson's programs.
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