Southeastern Pomo language
|Native to||United States|
The seven Pomoan languages with an indication of their pre-contact distribution within California
Southeastern Pomo, also known by the dialect names Elem Pomo, Koi Nation Lower Lake Pomo and Sulfur Bank Pomo, is one of seven distinct languages comprising the Pomoan language family of Northern California. In the language's prime, Southeastern Pomo was spoken primarily in an area surrounding East Lake and Lower Lake, in Lake County, along the eastern coast of Clear Lake, in Northern California by the Pomo people. Southeastern Pomos inhabited an area on the northern bank of Cache Creek, and the Sulfur Bank Rancheria. Dialectal differences between the two sites of habitation seem to be minimal, and may be limited to a small number of lexical differences.
Southeastern Pomo has six vowels, as depicted in the following table. Vowels that are inserted via epenthesis sometimes depend upon the adjacent consonants. Because of the variability of inserted vowels, they have been hypothesized to be excrescent. Southeastern Pomo is the only language in the Pomoan language family with only a marginal vowel length distinction.
The consonants in Southeastern Pomo are as laid out in the following table. Following Moshinsky (1974), if the parenthesized segments were to be removed, the inventory of segments would be present at a systematic phonemic and abstract phonemic level. The voiced stop /d/, can in some cases be retroflexed, as in the production of the word [x̣óḍoḍ] 'gopher snake'. The ejective stops of /k/ and /q/ are often distinguished by articulatory position.
|Affricate||voiceless||c [t͡ʃ] (cʹ) [t͡ʃʼ] (č) [tʃ]|
Words are stressed on the first syllable. Although, in some cases a short epenthetic vowel is inserted to break up word-initial consonant clusters. Examples of these cases are:
- pílatu 'dish' from pláto
- kálawa 'nail' from clávo
- tíriku 'wheat' from trígo
In cases of loanwords, which are often borrowed from Spanish (similar to the examples above), the stress is changed from later stresses that are found in the Spanish language to an initial stress. Some examples of words that are borrowed from Spanish are as follows:
- sómlilu 'hat', from sombréro
- kúcala 'spoon' from cuchára
- ʔískina 'corner' from esquína
Primary stress is applied to the first stem vowel within the categories of noun and verb, this vowel is also often the first phonemic vowel in the word. Although there are two distinct exceptions to this rule: when a directional prefix comes before the vowel and in reduplication, when the vowel is the second occurrence in the stem.
Examples of this, as noted by Moshinsky (1974) are:
|/ca+qla+m+t/ 'it flew down to the ground'
In this phonological rule, /m/ and /l/ become syllabic when they precede a consonant which has the same point or articulation. Examples of this are as follows:
|/lde/ 'mountain lion'||/lṭa/ 'shoulder blade'||/mpu+k+t/ 'he whistles'||/mbo+l+k+t/ 'it exploded'|
This rule is as follows: d → ø / _ C
D-deletion occurs when it appears before a consonant, and Moshinsky (1974) has hypothesized that this may occur in order to eliminate two-consonant clusters when the first consonant is an alveolar stop or resonant. Some examples of d-deletion in Southeastern Pomo are:
|/lod+t/ 'my hair is falling out'||/bṭed+lay/ 'women'|
Pretonic Vowel Epenthesis
This rule inserts a schwa between stem-initial consonants, preceding the stress vowel. This phonological process most often appears in the most difficult to articulate constant clusters, such as two stops.
|/blay/ 'blood'||/qbandu x̣le/ 'white oak tree'|
→qəbándu x̣lé ~ qəbándu x̣əlé
This rule lowers /i/ and /u/ to /e/ and /o/, respectively. This lowering occurs morpheme-finally: /i/ lowering before /s/, /u/ before /cʹ/ and both /i/ and /u/ lowering before /l/.
|/ca+mlu+l+t/ 'he ran around'||/cʹi+mkʹu+cʹ+t/ 'those three are fighting each other'|
This rule metathesizes the last two segments of the suffix -mkʹu- when it is directly preceded by a consonant.
|/pʹutʹ+mkʹu+t/ 'they kissed each other'||/mxex+mkʹu+tta+t/ 'the two of them swapped something'|
Noun morphology is significantly more limited than among verbs. However, there are still some cases of morphological rules.
There are some nouns that show reduplication. As noted by Moshinsky (1974), these nouns include derived verbs, and the semantic domains of small animals, plants and birds. Below are a few examples of nouns with reduplication in the Southeastern Pomo language:
- qwáqwà cà 'kitchen, cookhouse'
- qólqòl 'thunder'
- wówò 'grandfather'
- iméimè 'pneumonia'
- lúlù 'flute'
|Person:||Number:||Gender (in third person):||Position with relation to speaker:||Displacement:||Case:|
|-yi, -wi masculine
|mi-, me- near—this
-it+baq alienable possession
-it inalienable possession
Verbs take a great variety of suffixes divided into many position classes. There are also instrumental prefixes that figure crucially in the use of many verb stems.
Moshinsky (1974) identifies the following position classes; it can be seen that there is far more complexity in the set of suffixes than in the prefixes.
- A — Directional
- B — Instrumental
||Suffix Position 1
||Suffix Position 2 Directionals
||Suffix Position 3
|Suffix Position 4
||Suffix Position 5
||Suffix Position 6
||Suffix Position 7
|Suffix Position 8
||Suffix Position 9
||Suffix Position 10
||Suffix Position 11
|Suffix Position 12
||Suffix Position 13
|Suffix Position 14
There are six verb affixes that are realized phonologically by reduplication, and they are as follows:
- Habitual (HAB)
- Intensive (INTS)
- Iterative (ITER)
- Iterative to Completion (ITCOM)
- Plural source of motion (PLS)
- Plural figure (PLF)
Many, but not all, verb stems that occur with reduplication can also occur without it. There are four reduplication rules for verbs (two of which are minor), that accompany the reduplicative morphemes in the above table.
Reduplication 1. Stem reduplication, (Directional Prefix) + (Instrumental Prefix) + Root → (DP)+(IP)+Root+(IP)+Root
- /b+la+ITCOM+k+t/ → bláblàtkit 'lap it up'
Reduplication 2. Directional prefix + -o-
- /qʹwo+ITCOM+t/ → qʹwóqʹwòt 'cough something up'
Reduplication 3. Stem-final Consonant Loss (minor rule)
- /ʔ+loy+HAB+l+t/ → ʔlóylòlit 'he skins an animal every day'
Reduplication 4. Root+Suffix (minor rule), Root+Suffix → Root+Suffix+Root+Suffix
- /ʔ+na+PLF+t/ → ʔnáʔnàt '1 ties 3 up'
Instrumental prefixes in Southeastern Pomo are significantly more limited than other Pomo languages. Moshinsky (1974) found that this is the result of a pre-Southeastern Pomo phonological rule which deleted an unstressed vowel that preceded the stressed root vowel, reducing in shape from CV- to C-. Because many of the prefixes are now rather similar, there is reduced analyzability of their meanings. The instrumental prefixes are as follows:
- ʔ- 'with the hand'
ʔbóʔkit 'pull a plant out of the ground'
- ʔ- 'action by natural forces, by gravity'
ʔəbétit 'destroy, run out of'
- ʔ- 'with one or more fingers or claws'
ʔlótit 'touch with the finger'
- b- 'with a protrusion; with the mouth, tongue, beak; talking, eating'
bqóyit 'to chop something into two pieces'
- b- 'handling a number of objects'
bʔélit 'gather food'
- c- 'with the front end, by flowing water'
- c- 'with a massive object, with a knife'
cqát 'he put it down'
- cʹ- 'momentaneous, intensive action, projecting from a surface'
cʹlétit 'it's dripping'
- f- 'with the end of a long object'
fádakʹit 'to dress a deer'
- f- 'with the side of a long object, piercing'
fqʹálit 'knock nuts off a tree'
- k- 'poking, piercing, pounding, squeezing, mashing'
kcát 'to kick'
- m- 'with a projection at the end of a long object; with the fingers, with the butt of the hand, with the foot'
mdútkit 'squeeze with the fingers'
- m- 'with internal energy; with heat, exploding, burning; with the emotions'
mhólkit 'wood turns to charcoals'
- m- 'with the projected end of an object'
mpúkit 'to whistle, blow a whistle'
- q- 'with a biting, scratching, tearing, mashing action'
qcékit 'to eat along with, in addition to'
- s- 'cutting, slicing, shearing'
sqóyit 'cut with scissors; saw off"
- s- 'with water'
- š- 'with a long, often flexible object'
šbút 'weave a basket'
- š- 'spreading out, stretching'
- x̣- 'break, undo'
x̣lókit 'unwind, tear down, erase'
As noted by Sally McLendon (1973), most of the prefixes are cognate with prefixes in Pomoan languages. Among those that are not direct cognates with the prefixes in these other languages, they are highly related. An example of this with two languages in the Pomoan family is c- 'with the front end, by flowing water';, which is cognate with Kashaya /cû/ and may be related to Eastern Pomo /ku-/.
Some examples of this are as follows:
- cʹada wil da cix̣otkle. - 'No one bothered us.' (someone-we not-they bothered)
- ʔà yìl syímya. - 'I borrowed it.' (I-it borrowed)
Object-Verb sentences are also exemplified in the Moshinsky grammar:
- xa qlakmat, bxe cʹamat, xacʹit cʹamat. - 'We went fishing, deer hunting, mudhen hunting' (someone-we fish-we caught, deer-we hunted, mudhen-we hunted)
- hàyu wóʔwòʔkikle. - 'The dog barks.' (dog it-barks)
- mà ba mè l bxè bkúq’ha. - 'Did you shoot this deer?' (you-this deer-you shot)
- ʔa tilodeyʔha. - 'Should I leave?' (I-should-I-leave)
- cada wi l da cʹix̣otkle. - 'No one bothered us.' (someone-we not-he bothered)
Southeastern Pomo also has various switch references that come through in a number of sentences. The categories for each sentence type are outlined below with some examples of how they are used in Southeastern Pomo.
-fla 'sequential action', affixed to the verb of the first sentence
- ʔà x̣ólofla qnáḱya. - 'He fell asleep after I came.' (I-after I came-he fell asleep)
- yìwi yóqfla bxè ṭláqya. - 'After he shot it, the deer fell over.' (he-after he shot-the deer-fell over)
-yukin 'sequential actions, different subjects', this suffix conjoins sentences with sequentially occurring events but that have different subjects
- ʔà x̣òloyukin tʹu qnákʹinya. - 'He fell asleep before I came.' (I-before I came-already-I saw he had fallen asleep
- mà móćkiyukin ʔà tílodit. - 'I'll go before you wake up.' (you-before you wake up-I'll go)
-day 'simultaneous actions', this suffix conjoins sentences in which the actions are occurring simultaneously, and can include either the same or different subjects
- x̣ólblòt cale ʔà btékit wàlday. - 'It happened when I was grown up.' (it happened-I-was grown up-when)
- yìwi ʔà scàday smán qʹlàlya. - 'He fell asleep while I was there.' (he-I-when I was there-sleep-got him)
- ʔa wìt x̣bàc̕day x̣ólodit. - 'I come when he asks me.' (I-me-when he asks-I'll come)
-fed 'conditional', conjoins two sentences, when the second of which is conditional upon the first
- ʔ'uyi wi yukin x̣ólofedmiṭ, dàwa da fdíkix̣otdit. - 'If he gets there before me, he won't know the road.' (he-me-before-if he comes-road-not-he won't know)
- ʔa bdékfed wiyaq kàcuce cáqdit. - 'If I throw, my cap will fall.' (I-if I throw-my-cap-will fall)
- ʔòmlay ʔuyil ʔqóyfed ʔa mqódit. - 'If they ever head him off, I'll see it.' (they-him-if they head him off-I-will see)
-qat 'contingent actions', this suffix conjoins two sentences in which the actions occur either simultaneously or sequentially, and can be used when the subject is the same or differs between the sentences
- málot ke lèluša x̣óloqat. - 'When he came to Leluša, he landed.' (he landed-and-Leluša-when he came)
- ʔòmlay mqóx̣qatmiṭ hàyu wóʔwòʔkikle. - 'When they holler, the dog barks.' (they-when they holler-the dog-barks)
-miṭ 'contingent actions, same subject', conjoins two sentences with the same subject in which the actions are connected or simultaneous
- ʔòmlay tʹátʹtʹàbkicʹitmiṭ qéykiqèykimkle. - 'Whenever they play, they laugh.' (they-when they play-they laugh)
- mà cʹìnakʹotay qʹówlimiṭ qʹlálimiṭ mà cʹìnaḱotay qʹnìlki tìlodit. - 'If you do bad things, when you die you will go to a bad place.' (you-bad-when you do-when you die-you-bad-towards-will go)
- As of 2009, there is only one remaining fluent native speaker, Loretta Kelsey."Last living speaker works to keep NorCal tribe's language alive". www.azstarnet.com. Retrieved 2009-02-12.
- Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin, eds. (2017). "Southeastern Pomo". Glottolog 3.0. Jena, Germany: Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History.
- Kevin Fagan (2007-09-29). "Only living Elem Pomo speaker teaches so she won't be the last". SFGate. Retrieved 2012-08-17.
- Lonny Shavelson (2006-03-30). "California's Elém Pomo Tribe Tries to Save Its Language". VOA News. Retrieved 2012-08-17.
- Moshinsky, Julius (1974). A Grammar of Southeastern Pomo. Los Angeles: University of California Press.
- McLendon, Sally. (1973). Proto Pomo. Univ. of Calif. Press. ISBN 0-520-09444-1. OCLC 185287286.
- "The languages of native America: historical and comparative assessment". Lingua. 59 (2–3): 275–291. February 1983. doi:10.1016/0024-3841(83)90066-9. ISSN 0024-3841.
- Comrie, Bernard. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology https://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/staff/comrie.php. Missing or empty
- "WALS Online - Datapoint Pomo (Southeastern) / Alignment of Case Marking of Full Noun Phrases". wals.info. Retrieved 2020-03-04.
- Southeastern Pomo language overview at the Survey of California and Other Indian Languages
- OLAC resources in and about the Southeastern Pomo language
- Julius Moshinsky (1974). "A Grammar of Southeastern Pomo". University of California Publications in Linguistics 72. Retrieved 2015-10-17. Cite journal requires
- Southeastern Pomo, World Atlas of Language Structures Online
- Southeastern Pomo basic lexicon at the Global Lexicostatistical Database